North Korean Nuclear Weapons and Missile Development : The Danger of Mediating and Negotiating the “Big Deal” > e-저널 2019년

 

▶e-저널 2019년 목록

e-저널 2019년

제41호(10-11월) | North Korean Nuclear Weapons and Missile Development : The Danger of M…

페이지 정보

Written by 윌슨 롤랜드 작성일19-11-12 13:26 조회4,327회 댓글0건

본문

 

(출처 - https://moneyinc.com/20-powerful-missiles-world/)


Weapons and Missile Development:
The Danger of Mediating and Negotiating the “Big Deal”

 

Wilson(George Mason University)

Abstract:
Over the past several years, with a new South Korean Administration led by President Moon Jae-in, and a new United States Administration led by President Donald J. Trump, there have been great new efforts to try and resolve the conflict with North Korea.  At the forefront of this have been efforts at mediating and negotiating a “big deal” with North Korea for the removal of its nuclear weapons and the termination of its long-range missile development.  The purpose of this paper is therefore to look at these issues based on a conflict analysis and resolution lens.  To do so, the paper will briefly outline the fallacy with these seemingly narrowly focused efforts, and then discuss the primary reasons why North Korea, under the current regime, will not give up nuclear weapons and long-range missile development, regardless of any and all incentives given to the regime.  Finally, the paper will finish with a brief discussion on the need to focus on multiple and complex efforts, which deal with more than just nuclear weapons and long-range missiles. Finally, these efforts should include long-term engagement based on positive direct and indirect high-quality contact, which has the ability to change the hearts and minds of the people in both South and North Korea.

 북한 핵무기 및 미사일 개발 : “대규모 거래”의 중재와 협상의 위험요약:지난 몇 년 동안 문재인 대통령이 이끄는 새로운 한국 행정부와 도널드 트럼프 대통령이 이끄는 새로운 미국 행정부는 함께 북한과의 갈등을 해결하기 위한 새로운 노력을 계속 하였습니다. 핵무기의 제거와 장거리 미사일 개발의 종결을 위해 북한과의 “대규모 거래”를 중재하고 협상하기 위한 노력이 있었습니다. 따라서 이 글의 목적은 갈등 분석 및 해법 위주로 이러한 문제를 살펴보는 것입니다. 이를 위해 이 글은 좁게 집중된 노력으로 오류를 간략하게 설명하고 현재 정권 하에서 북한이 핵무기와 장거리 미사일 개발을 포기하지 않을 주요 원인에 대해 논의 할 것입니다. 마지막으로, 단순한 핵무기 및 장거리 미사일 이상을 다루는 여러 가지 복잡한 노력에 초점을 맞출 필요성에 대해 간단한 제안을 하고 마무리됩니다. 이러한 노력에는 긍정적인 직접 및 간접적인 접촉을 기반으로 한 장기적인 참여가 포함되어야 하며, 남북한 사람들 모두 마음과 생각을 바꿀 수 있는 능력이 있다고 봅니다.


Key Words:  Conflict Analysis and Resolution, Mediation, Negotiation, Nuclear Weapons, North Korea, South Korea, the United States, Engagement, long-term direct and indirect contact

 

 Over the past several years, with a new South Korean Administration led by President Moon Jae-in, and a new United States Administration led by President Donald J. Trump, there have been great new efforts to try and resolve the conflict with North Korea.  At the forefront of this has been the efforts at mediating and negotiating a “big deal” with North Korea for the removal of its nuclear weapons and the termination of its long-range missile development in exchange for peaceful relations, economic development and perhaps even unification.  Unfortunately, there is great risk with this one-dimensional focus.
 Therefore, this paper will look at these issues based on a conflict analysis and resolution lens.  In addition, it will briefly outline the fallacy with these seemingly narrowly focused efforts, which are based on a false sense of being able to mediate and negotiate a big deal with North Korea. The paper will then discuss the primary reasons why North Korea, under the current regime, will not give up nuclear weapons and long-range missile development, regardless of any type of incentive given to the regime. 
The paper will finish with a brief discussion on the need to focus on multiple and complex efforts, which deal with more than just nuclear weapons and long-range missiles. Finally, these efforts should include long-term engagement in order to build trust based on positive direct and indirect high-quality contact, which has the ability to change the hearts and minds of the people in both South and North Korea.


Introduction to Conflict Analysis and Resolution
 Conflict Analysis and Resolution (CAR) is a transformative, holistic, dynamic and hybrid field made up of many other academic and professional disciplines. Among other things, CAR scholars and practitioners seek to understand, transform, and peacefully resolve difficult issues and a diverse range of conflicts at all levels of society; to ease human suffering, reduce and end violence; and to work toward positive peace through all stages of conflicts at the local to global levels (Wilson 2015).  Furthermore, CAR scholars and practitioners also operate with differing and holistic visions and values, which take into consideration all stakeholders and sides, from grassroots to the elite on all sides of any given conflict or social issue.  


Major Challenges to Overcome
 The division of North and South Korea is arguably the first test of the Cold War and the last remaining symbol of its ugliness (Choe 2019; Wilson 2019). Yet, despite the recent setbacks in talks, and continued missile tests by North Korea, there is new hope and even hesitant euphoria or optimism in the air surrounding peace and the possible unification between North and South Korea. This optimism can be directly attributed to South Korea’s new outreach and engagement policy, which started with the PyeongChang Olympics, and the willingness of President Moon to act as a mediator (Denyer 2018; Haas 2018; Jung 2019).  In addition, it can be contributed to President Trump’s willingness and determination to directly negotiate a “big deal” with North Korea (Fisher 2018; Dalton and Levite 2018).
 However, even with this hope and optimism, there are deep-rooted challenges to this momentum stemming from decades of division, which need to be fully acknowledged, addressed, and worked on in order for positive peace to be achieved and eventual unification to happen. More importantly, CAR scholars and practitioners fully recognize that it is almost impossible for those directly involved in the conflict (parties to the conflict) to self-mediate or negotiate when multiple parties are involved.  This is due to the overriding desire to focus on national interests of each country and leader involved in this process.
 Finally, the single focus on nuclear weapons and long-range missile development doesn’t resolve the deep-rooted reasons for this conflict. A focus based almost entirely on nuclear weapons and missile issues is like trying to treat the symptoms while ignoring the disease. The real disease is the protracted social conflict with North Korea lasting for over 70 years now, and the only way to cure it is by looking at, and fully addressing, the deep-rooted reasons it remains protracted and unresolved (Wilson and Kwon 2018).


Why the Narrow Focus on Nuclear Weapons and Missile Development?
 As a path for peaceful relations and in order to provide incentives for economic development, South Korea and the U.S. have put much effort into removing North Korea’s nuclear weapons and stopping the development of long-range missiles.  Indeed, nuclear weapons coupled with long-range missiles pose a direct threat to the world order and stability in the region, and thus should be covered.  Yet, should these be the only issues and should they be looked at first? More importantly, will North Korea really abandon these key parts of its foreign policy and internal regime stability mechanism?  To understand the reasoning for this focus and the possibility of North Korea abandoning these, we must briefly look back at the history of this development and what the “norm” has been in the rest of the world.


History of Nuclear Weapons and Missiles
 In the 1980s, information was released that North Korea had been working to acquire and improve technology needed for nuclear weapons and long-range ballistic missiles (Isenberg 2002). Until that time, North Korea was basically an enigma, and the international community led by the U.S. was content with merely keeping the country contained and isolated.  Now, North Korea posed a supposed direct threat to the United States, international order, and to regional security and stability (Wilson 2015; Wilson and Kwon 2018).  Therefore, from that point forward, the primary focus of the U.S., South Korea and the international community has remained on North Korea’s nuclear weapons and missiles.
 For North Korea, a country that has suffered economically since the fall of the Soviet Union, it made a practical strategic calculation by developing nuclear weapons and missiles that could help ensure the continued survival of the regime.  Additionally, if North Korea was going to compete with the U.S. and other nations on the international stage and get the recognition and incentives desired, it would have to use all asymmetric means available, which includes nuclear weapons and long-range missile development (IBID). In other words, North Korea’s decision to acquire nuclear weapons and long-range missiles was one of economy of force, knowing that it could not compete with the United States or South Korea on a conventional weapons or economic level (Wilson 2015).  
 Just as importantly, the North Korean regime watched and learned what happened around the world to other small countries such as Iraq, Libya and Ukraine when they gave up nuclear weapons (Kaplan and Baker 2014; Myre 2014). The cases provide a somber reminder of what happens to weaker and smaller countries that do not have such capabilities.
 Paradoxically, the international community has pushed North Korea to give up its nuclear and missile programs while remaining silent on similar programs in other countries, which have good relations with the U.S. such as Israel, India and Pakistan.  Consequently, from a North Korean perspective, it makes perfect sense to hold onto its strategic cards in order to avoid the same fate as other former regimes, while using them to achieve economic development and greatness.


 1.1. Understanding the Goal of North Korea

Many politicians, scholars and authors have written a plethora of books and articles on what the goals of the North Korea regime really are.  These vary from wanting to join the international community; having peace, prosperity and economic success; desiring peaceful unification; to achieving and maintaining its status as a nuclear dynastic regime with a goal of unifying the Korean Peninsula under the North Korean system of government (Park 2014; Delury 2018; Choi 2001; Staff Writer 2018; Klinger 2018). 
Other’s also write that North Korea wants to achieve a “Vietnam style” economic model for success (Shin 2019; Chandran 2019). However, it is the belief of this author that North Korea’s intent is to follow in the footsteps of its closest ally to the north, China to achieve its version of success. This includes maintaining its form of government and not giving up its nuclear capability or long-range missile development. To understand this, one must briefly review the case of China, which like the Former Soviet Union, posed a direct nuclear and long-range missile threat to the United States and its interests in the region.   
 In the early 1970s, China was at the height of Mao Zedong’s Cultural Revolution, which killed between 15-30 million or more people (Edwards 2010)​1). Mao’s Great Cultural Revolution took place from 1966-1976 in order to purge China of intellectuals.
  Yet despite this, due to ping-pong diplomacy, political and economic needs, the U.S. and China began to normalize relations including the joint Shanghai Communiqué in 1972 (DeVoss 2002; FlorCruz 2008; CFR 1972). Consequently, China greatly benefited from the direct opening of relations with the U.S., and started the road to real economic development, without giving up its nuclear weapons. Moreover, this rapprochement took place without China having to reconcile its human rights violations or the killing of millions due to the Great Leap Forward (Campbell and Ratner 2019).
It is therefore believed that North Korea understands the various benefits of creating a “big deal” with the international community, especially the U.S. and South Korea while not really giving up anything in return. Based on this, North Korea will most likely not surrender its nuclear weapons or cease its long-range missile development. However, it will play its role until economic success is achieved, and it is too late for the international community to do anything about it. All while not stopping, addressing or working on human rights violations.


Recommendations: Create a Sustained Path for Engagement
 Since the issues involving North Korea are very complex and deep-rooted, there is a need to have equally complex recommendations, which don’t focus on just nuclear weapons and long-range missiles that the current regime is not willing to give up. 
 Although the various recommendations are beyond the scope of this paper, all recommended efforts must include robust positive and sustained levels of engagement at all levels of society through what is referred to as direct and indirect high quality contact (HQC) (Cameron 2011; Turner et al. 2008; Wilson 2015). Direct HQC is the type of effort which can positively influence one’s thoughts and perceptions of another, and can lead to a gradual improvement in relations.  Additionally, indirect HQC may work even better to influence relationships due to its ability to provide positive input in a non-threatening environment, and transcend both physical and psychological barriers (IBID). 


Conclusion
 The paper presented an overview of the recent efforts to try and resolve the conflict with North Korea. Also, the problem with mediating and negotiating a “big deal” with North Korea for the removal of its nuclear weapons and the ceasing of its long-range missile development.  It also looked at these issues from a conflict analysis and resolution lens.  The paper discussed the primary reasons of why North Korea, under the current regime, will not give up nuclear weapons and long-range missile development, regardless of any type of incentive given to the regime.
 Finally, the paper emphasized the importance of having complex recommendations, which don’t focus on just nuclear weapons and long-range missiles the current regime is not willing to give up. Moreover, going forward there is a need for long-term positive engagement using forms of direct and indirect HQC.
 Although it is recognized that much more research, understanding, and efforts are needed, this author believes that in order to move towards peaceful relationships and the eventual possibility of unification, more focus must be on the deep-rooted reasons for this conflict. In closing, it is fully recognized that there are no simple resolutions to decades of division and hostility between two nations. However, it is hoped that this paper will serve as a catalyst for more research and deep discussion on the ways to move forward. 


Bibliography

Cameron, David. 2011. “Full Transcript | David Cameron | Statement on Public Disorder | House of Commons | 11 August 2011.” New Statesman. August 11, 2011. http://www.newstatesman.com/2011/08/police-streets-violence.
Campbell, Kurt M., and Ely Ratner. 2019. “The China Reckoning,” September 16, 2019. https://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/china/2018-02-13/china-reckoning.
CFR. 1972. “Joint Communique of the USA and the People’s Republic of China, 1972 (Shanghai Communique).” Council on Foreign Relations. February 28, 1972. http://www.cfr.org/china/joint-communique-usa-peoples-republic-china-1972-shanghai-communique/p8451.
Chandran, Nyshka. 2019. “North Korea May Choose to Follow Vietnam’s Economic Model as It Looks to Open Up.” CNBC, February 13, 2019. https://www.cnbc.com/2019/02/13/north-korea-may-choose-to-follow-vietnams-economic-model.html.
Choe, Sang-Hun. 2019. “North Korea Launches 2 More Projectiles, Its 8th Weapons Test Since July.” The New York Times, September 9, 2019, sec. World. https://www.nytimes.com/2019/09/09/world/asia/north-korea-missile-tests.html.
Choi, Wan-kyu. 2001. “NORTH KOREA’S NEW UNIFICATION STRATEGY.” Asian Perspective 25 (2): 99–122.
Dalton, Toby, and Ariel Levite. 2018. “When Trump Meets Kim Jong Un,” March 26, 2018. https://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/north-korea/2018-03-26/when-trump-meets-kim-jong-un.
Delury, John. 2018. “Opinion | Kim Jong-Un Has a Dream. The U.S. Should Help Him Realize It.” The New York Times, September 21, 2018, sec. Opinion. https://www.nytimes.com/2018/09/21/opinion/kim-jong-un-moon-economic-development-north-korea-denuclearization.html.
Denyer, Simon. 2018. “South Korea Forges Ahead with Charm Offensive to Kim Regime Even as U.S. Outreach Stumbles.” Washington Post, September 15, 2018, sec. Asia & Pacific. https://www.washingtonpost.com/world/asia_pacific/south-korea-forges-ahead-with-charm-offensive-to-kim-regime-even-as-us-outreach-cools/2018/09/15/4cd9a0ac-b691-11e8-ae4f-2c1439c96d79_story.html.
DeVoss, David A. 2002. “Ping-Pong Diplomacy.” Smithsonian, April 2002. http://www.smithsonianmag.com/history/ping-pong-diplomacy-60307544/?no-ist.
Edwards, Lee. 2010. “The Legacy of Mao Zedong Is Mass Murder.” The Heritage Foundation. February 2, 2010. http://www.heritage.org/research/commentary/2010/02/the-legacy-of-mao-zedong-is-mass-murder.
Fisher, Max. 2018. “7 Big Things to Understand About Trump’s Talks With North Korea.” The New York Times, March 9, 2018, sec. World. https://www.nytimes.com/2018/03/09/world/asia/trump-kim-north-korea-explainer.html.
FlorCruz, Jaime. 2008. “‘The Ping Heard Round the World’ Revisited.” CNN, February 25, 2008.
Haas, Benjamin. 2018. “Winter Olympics Bring Peace to Korean Peninsula – for Now.” The Guardian, February 7, 2018, sec. Sport. https://www.theguardian.com/sport/2018/feb/07/winter-olympics-bring-peace-to-korean-peninsula-for-now.
Isenberg, David. 2002. “North Korea’s Nuke Capability.” Asian Times, September 24, 2002. http://www.atimes.com/atimes/Korea/DI24Dg05.html.
Jung, Damin. 2019. “President Moon’s Mediator Role Being Threatened.” Koreatimes, August 12, 2019, The Korea Times edition. http://www.koreatimes.co.kr/www/nation/2019/10/103_273824.html.
Kaplan, Robert D., and Rodger Baker. 2014. “Why North Korea Needs Nukes.” Forbes, December 4, 2014. http://www.forbes.com/sites/stratfor/2013/12/04/why-north-korea-needs-nukes/.
Klinger, Bruce. 2018. “Why Does North Korea Want Nukes?” The Heritage Foundation. 2018. https://www.heritage.org/insider/summer-2018-insider/why-does-north-korea-want-nukes.
Myre, Greg. 2014. “What If Ukraine Still Had Nuclear Weapons?” NPR.Org. March 10, 2014. http://www.npr.org/blogs/parallels/2014/03/10/288572756/what-if-ukraine-still-had-nuclear-weapons.
Park, Young Ho. 2014. “South and North Korea’s Views on the Unification of the Korean Peninsula and Inter-Korean Relations.” In Security and Diplomatic Cooperation between ROK and US for the Unification of the Korean Peninsula. KRIS.
Shin, Hyonhee. 2019. “Kim’s Top Aides on Economic Tour as North Korea Looks to Vietnam Model.” Reuters, February 27, 2019, US edition. https://www.reuters.com/article/us-northkorea-usa-economy-idUSKCN1QG1GR.
Staff Writer. 2018. “Panmunjom Declaration for Peace, Prosperity and Unification of the Korean Peninsula.” Reuters, April 27, 2018. https://uk.reuters.com/article/uk-northkorea-southkorea-summit-statemen-idUKKBN1HY193.
Turner, Rhiannon N, Miles Hewstone, Alberto Voci, and Christiana Vonofakou. 2008. “A Test of the Extended Intergroup Contact Hypothesis: The Mediating Role of Intergroup Anxiety, Perceived Ingroup and Outgroup Norms, and Inclusion of the Outgroup in the Self.” Journal of Personality and Social Psychology 95 (4): 843–60. https://doi.org/10.1037/a0011434.
Wilson, Roland B. 2015. “The Nexus between U.S. Foreign Policy and Conflict Resolution or Protraction: The Case of North Korea.” Ph.D., United States -- Virginia: George Mason University. http://search.proquest.com.mutex.gmu.edu/pqdtglobal/docview/1726855389/abstract/92D9431E42454F00PQ/1.
Wilson, Roland B., and Soyoung Kwon. 2018. “The Importance of Position and Power Symmetry in International Relations: The Case of U.S. Foreign Policy towards North Korea.” The Korean Journal of Defense Analysis 30 (2): 217–30.

1) Mao’s Great Cultural Revolution took place from 1966-1976 in order to purge China of intellectuals.​ 

 

댓글목록

등록된 댓글이 없습니다.

Total 39건 1 페이지
공지 제41호(10-11월) Written by 신정호 | 11-12 | 2061 북한 해양전략의 변화에 따른 한국 해군의 전략적 대응방향 인기글첨부파일
북한 해양전략의 변화에 따른 한국 해군의 전략적 대응방향 ​ 충남대학교 해양안보학과 교수 신정호 Ⅰ. 서 론 북한은 오랫동안 1인 지배체제, 당(黨) 중심의 정책 수행체제, 통합군 성격의 군 구조 등 북한 자체의 독특한 정치·군사적 특성을 유지해 왔다. 이러한 과정에서 북한은 ‘주체사상’에 입각한 ‘국방에서의 자위’…
공지 제41호(10-11월) Written by 신기수(한국혁신전략연구원) | 11-12 | 2393 4차 산업혁명 시대 생존 전략 : 진화적 개발 인기글첨부파일
​(출처 - 뉴데일리) ​ 4차 산업혁명 시대 생존 전략 : 진화적 개발 신 기수(한국혁신전략연구원 국방과학기술정책연구소) 1. 개 요 ​ 이미 시작된 ‘4차 산업혁명 시대’는 학문 간의 경계가 허물어지고 인공지능(AI) 기술이 비약적으로 발전하는 특징을 갖고 있다. 새로운 시대를 맞이하여 혁신적인 미래국방…
공지 제41호(10-11월) Written by 권혁민 | 11-12 | 2457 ‘해양강국 대양해군’을 향한 새로운 도전 4차 산업혁명 첨단기술 기반의 스마트 해군(SMART NAVY) 인기글첨부파일
(출처 - 국방일보) 권혁민(해군참모차장 ) 1. 들어가면서 ​ 인류 ​ 의 역사는 전쟁의 역사라고 해도 과언이 아니다. 전쟁이 인류문명을 파괴한 것은 사실이지만, 전쟁에 필요하여 개발된 기술들이 평화 시에는 산업발전에 영향을 주기도 하였다. 국가의 사활이 걸린 전쟁에서 승리하기 위해 정치, 경제, 과학기술 등 모든 국…
공지 제41호(10-11월) Written by 심경욱 | 11-12 | 2079 푸틴 러시아의 북극군 강화와 우리의 대응 인기글첨부파일
​(출처 - https://rankingnfact.tistory.com/790 ) 푸틴 러시아의 북극군 강화와 우리의 대응 ​ 한국국방연구원 명예연구위원 심경욱 ​ 1. 북극해에서의 러시아의 전략적 군사벨트 가시화 오늘날 국제사회는 러시아가 북극해 전역에 걸쳐 군사기지를 신설하고 군사력을 증원 배치하고 …
공지 제41호(10-11월) Written by 이정훈 | 11-12 | 1639 F-35B 도입과 경항모 건조 논의를 보며 해군이여! 이제는 임무함대 건설을 외쳐라 인기글첨부파일
​(출처 - https://dvdprime.com/g2/bbs/board.php?bo_table=comm&wr_id=17960136 ) ​ ​ F-35B 도입과 경항모 건조 논의를 보며 해군이여! 이제는 임무함대 건설을 외쳐라 ​ 동아일보 기자 이정훈 milhoon@hanmail.net ​ 우…
공지 제41호(10-11월) Written by 윌슨 롤랜드 | 11-12 | 4328 North Korean Nuclear Weapons and Missile Development : The D… 인기글첨부파일
(출처 - https://moneyinc.com/20-powerful-missiles-world/ ) Weapons and Missile Development: The Danger of Mediating and Negotiating the “Big Deal” ​ Wilson(George Mason University) ​ …
공지 제40호(8-9월) Written by 길병옥(충남대학교 교수) | 09-06 | 1674 역사에 대한 체계적인 통찰력 그리고 미래비전 인기글첨부파일
(출처 - 산업일보) 역사에 대한 체계적인 통찰력 그리고 미래비전 길병옥(충남대) 한국과 일본의 관계를 보면 성숙되지 못한 민주주의 국가들간의 국제상황이 떠오른다. 특히 국가간의 갈등과 분쟁이 지속되는 상황을 미성숙한 무정부상태(Immature Anarchy)라고 지적한 서구 학자들의 지적에 많은 공감을 가지게 된다. 국제관…
공지 제40호(8-9월) Written by 라미경(순천향대) | 09-06 | 1980 해빙기 북극해와 북극항로가 주는 함의 인기글첨부파일
해빙기 북극해와 북극항로가 주는 함의 라미경(순천향대) ​ ​ 1. 북극의 해양 공간 ​ 북극해 얼음이 예상보다 빠른 속도로 소멸하면서 북극해 지역의 항로 이용 가능성이 높아지고 있다. 북극권의 지표면 온도는 꾸준히 증가해 왔다. 그런데 1990년대 이후부터 온난화의 진행 속도가 급격히 빨라지고 있다. 북극 지역의…
공지 제40호(8-9월) Written by 엄현성(충남대학교 석좌교수) | 09-06 | 1781 4차 산업혁명 기반의 과학기술과 해군력 발전 방향 인기글첨부파일
​(출처 - 국방TV) 4차 산업혁명 기반의 과학기술과 해군력 발전 방향 - 전력분야와 사이버 보안 발전방안을 중심으로- ​엄 현 성 ​1. 서 론 ​ 대한민국은 4차 산업혁명 시대라는 큰 변화에 직면해 있다. 시대적 발전과정이 늘 그러하듯이 이번 4차 산업혁명 또한 과학기술의 발전을 견인하고 있다. 201…
공지 제40호(8-9월) Written by 이민효(예. 해군대령, 해군사관학교 강사) | 09-06 | 1726 空戰에 적용될 하버드 국제법 매뉴얼에 관한 연구(2) 인기글첨부파일
18) ​ 동 의정서의 주요 내용은 다음과 같다. (1) 잠수함은 상선에 대한 행동에 있어 수상함이 따라야 할 국제법 규칙을 준수하여야 한다. (2) 특히 상선이 정당하게 정선이 요구되었을 때 이를 강경하게 거부하거나 또는 임검 혹은 수색에 대하여 적극적으로 항거하는 경우를 제외하고 군함은 수상함이건 잠수함이건 불문하고 먼저 승객, 선원 …
공지 제40호(8-9월) Written by 이민효(예. 해군대령, 해군사관학교 강사) | 09-06 | 1761 空戰에 적용될 하버드 국제법 매뉴얼에 관한 연구(1) 인기글첨부파일
​ ​ ​空戰에 적용될 하버드 국제법 매뉴얼에 관한 연구 ​ 이민효(예. 해군대령, 해군사관학교 강사) ​ ​Ⅰ. 서론 ​ 무력분쟁에 대한 국제법적 인식에 있어서 국제사회는 역사적으로 많은 변천을 겪어 왔다. 전통국제법 체계하에서 무력분쟁이란 평시와는 상이한 이상 상태에 적용되는 법인 전시국제법이 타당한 …
공지 제40호(8-9월) Written by 임익순(충남대학교 교수) | 09-06 | 1753 이순신은 조선의 군사사상을 어떻게 구현했는가? 인기글첨부파일
이순신은 조선의 군사사상을 어떻게 구현했는가? ​ 임 익 순(충남대학교 교수) ​ 조선의 건국초기에 당면한 안보상황에 대응하기 위한 조선전기의 군사사상 중 하나는 농업생산과 함께 병역의 의무를 지게 하는 ‘병농일치(兵農一致)’의 사상이다. 이 병농일치의 사상은 군대의 병력을 유지하는 기본적인 틀에 대한 사상이다. 농업에 의한 곡물생산이 …
공지 제40호(8-9월) Written by 조영주(충남대학교 교수) | 09-06 | 1984 군사학도와 초급간부를 위한 군사교리 이해 인기글첨부파일
​(출처 - 조선일보) ​ 군사학도와 초급간부를 위한 군사교리 이해 조 영 주 충남대학교 교수 ​Ⅰ​. 서 론 ​ 나는 지난 5월 30일 해군사관후보생(OCS) 126기 292명의 해군•해병대 소위 임관식에 참가하였다. 사랑하는 제자들과 후배들이 조국 해양수호의 간성으로서 힘차게 첫 걸음을 내딛는 모습이 참 …
공지 제39호(6-7월) Written by 김 덕 기 (공주대 안보과학대학원 교수, 해양전략연구소 선임연구위원) | 07-05 | 2520 중국은 대만해협 위기시 미국에 대응할 수 있는 충분한 A2/AD전력을 가졌는가? 인기글첨부파일
중국은 대만해협 위기시 미국에 대응할 수 있는 충분한 A2/AD전력을 가졌는가? 김 덕 기(공주대 안보과학대학원 교수, 해양전략연구소 선임연구위원) I.시작하면서 ​ 2018년은 중국이 1958년 대만 소유인 진먼다오(金門島/Quemoy)·마주다오(馬祖島/Matsu)를 강압외교의 수단인 무력으로 점령하기 위해 위기를 일으킨 지 60년이…
공지 제39호(6-7월) Written by 라미경(순천향대) | 07-05 | 2258 북극해 글로벌거버넌스와 국제협력 인기글첨부파일
​출처 - ​유준구(2012), 북극해 거버넌스 현안과 과제, 국립외교원 외교안보연구소 ​ ​ 북극해 글로벌거버넌스와 국제협력 ​ 라미경(순천향대) ​ 1. 들어가기 ​ ​ 최근 기후변화로 북극해의 빙하가 녹으면서, 러시아 북쪽과 북대서양, 북태평양을 잇는 항로를 이용할 수 있게 되자 …
게시물 검색

HOME  |   BOOKMARK  |   BACK  |   CONTACT US  |   ADMIN
TOP
주소 : 대전광역시 유성구 대학로 99(국방연구소) / 전화번호 : 042-821-6082 / 팩스번호 : 042-821-8868 / 이메일 : lcljh2009@cnu.ac.kr
Copyright © 항공우주전략포럼. All rights reserved.[본 사이트는 개인정보 수집을 하지 않습니다.]